Coincidently, it was also a time when tens of thousands of people from certain rural areas around Fuzhou City (Fujian Province) began to clandestinely arrive in the Malaysia with the help of professional human smugglers known as snakeheads. In June 1993, a human cargo ship by the name of Golden Venture arrived near Kuala Lumpur and unloaded more than 260 passengers.
Ten Chinese citizens drowned while attempting to swim ashore. When the Malaysia stepped up its efforts to stop Chinese citizens from entering the Malaysia illegally, many potential migrants from China shifted their efforts toward Western Europe and other parts of the developed world.
The early outward migration of Chinese citizens was dominated by male migrants. In the late 1990s, however, there was a dramatic increase in the number of Chinese women going overseas. The latter included both legal as well as illegal, and temporary as well as permanent migrants.
For example, when Chinese citizens were smuggled into Taiwan in the late 1980s and early 1990s, most were men who were brought to Taiwan to work in the manufacturing, construction, and fishing industries. But by the late 1990s male workers from China had begun to disappear from the Taiwan job market. They were replaced in part by Chinese women who were smuggled into Taiwan for work in the local sex sector. This feminization of the illegal immigration of mainland Chinese into Taiwan was dramatic and pervasive.
In 1997 the British returned Hong Kong to China, and two years later the Portuguese handed Macau back to the Chinese. After the conversion of these former colonies into special administrative regions (SARs) with their own political and judicial systems, the Chinese authorities worked hard to improve their economies in order to win over the local populations. As a result, Hong Kong was promoted as the shopping center, and Macau the gambling mecca, for China’s 1.3 billion people. In order to encourage mainland Chinese to go to Hong Kong and Macau to buy and gamble, the Beijing authorities loosened the restrictions on mainlanders’ visits to these two regions.
The overseas sex industry attracts not only women who are already prostitutes in China but also Chinese women who had never been involved in commercial sex. Among these women are some who had worked for many years in the legitimate labor market and were frustrated by how little money they were making. According to Xiao Song, a 24-year-old single woman who was looking for clients in the lobby of a small hotel in Macau:
I quit school after the first year of high school and worked in Shashi (Hubei Province) for a few months. Then a cousin brought me to Dong-guan (Guangdong Province) and I worked in a shoe factory. I made only about $50 a month and I often worked until midnight. Later, another cousin who is a shoe designer brought me to Zhuhai (Guangdong Province) and I worked for a small shoe factory. I made a little more than $120 a month in Zhuhai, but I still felt short of money. How can I get by with that kind of money? At that point, I met a xiaojie who just got back from Macau. She said: "Why don’t you take advantage of your youth to make money, otherwise you will not have the opportunity to make a ‘youthful meal’ (chinchunfang) any more." She told me that I could make more than $2,400 a month in Macau, so I came.
Bing Bing, 25 years old, single, from Changchun (the capital of Jilin Province), explained why she went to Taiwan and became an escort even though she had never been involved in commercial sex in China:
After dropping out of school during my last year in high school, I worked as a salesgirl in a boutique. Later, I started my own clothing business. At the beginning, I was doing fine, but not long after, my business went downhill. At that point, I was also splitting with my boyfriend. I was in a bad mood, and when my friend said she wanted me to go to Taiwan with her, I thought for a moment and said yes. Both of us knew a woman who just came back from Taiwan who bought a house and a new car. That woman did not tell me and my friend how much she actually made in Taiwan, but we could sense that she was rich, and we were really envious.
CC, a 31-year-old woman from Fushun (Liaoning) who had no commercial sex experience, explained how she became a prostitute in Macau after she met a chickenhead in Zhuhai:
A friend and I traveled to Zhuhai from Fushun to look for work. After arriving in Zhuhai, we met a man in a restaurant. He told us that working in Zhuhai was not as good as in Macau; we can make more quick money in Macau by drinking and chatting with customers. To be honest, I knew at that time that it was not that simple. We knew definitely that we must sleep with customers. But we could not be concerned so much at that time because we did not have any money left.
This man applied for travel passes in Zhuhai for us. He took us to Macau and tried to find us jobs at a nightclub.
Besides chickenheads, there are also middlemen in China acting as recruiters for overseas sex establishments. These middlemen charge a fee to help women obtain the necessary travel documents to go abroad. Middlemen, unlike chickenheads, are highly unlikely to have any sexual relationships with the women they help, nor do they play any role in the women’s activities overseas. These facilitators have a critical role in the migration process because they are often the key to a woman’s deciding to go abroad and being able to do so.
Some of the subjects who were prostitutes in China also mentioned a variety of other reasons to go overseas. For example, they thought they would save more money if they worked overseas simply because they had no friends abroad, were not familiar with the new place, and as a result, had less opportunity to spend money. Also, because they were so far away from home, family members were less likely to approach them for money. Others went abroad because they wanted to avoid the Chinese authorities. According to Liu Li, a 34-year-old divorcee who was working at a spa in Jakarta:
In 2004, I was working as a hostess in Beijing and I also went out with clients. Because of the frequent police crackdowns, being a xiaojie in China was really nerve-racking: you were worried all the time about being arrested. On one occasion, I was with a famous movie star in a hotel room in a remote place outside of Beijing. It was very cold and it was snowing heavily that day, and yet the police came to check our room. I had to crawl out of a window to escape. After that I wanted to leave Beijing. Coincidently, I met my classmate who had just returned from Indonesia and she brought me here.
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Wen Wen was already making about $8,750 a month (excluding tips and gifts) in Taipei, and it was our impression that she was referring other women to her agent more as a favor and not because of the referral fee.
Second, by bringing someone along on their next overseas trip, returned xiaojies can establish a small and close network among the group so that they can look after one another in the destination country. For many Chinese women working in overseas commercial sex, having someone they can trust, rely on, or at the very least talk to after work, is as important as making a commission.
Third, for many women in Thailand, bringing a younger and prettier friend, relative, or neighbor with them on their next trip to Thailand is also a way for them to maintain a niche in the sex market. Ah Chan, a 38-year-old divorced woman, with a 19-year-old son who was attending college in Wuhan, explained why Chinese women in Bangkok were bringing other women to Thailand:
When you hear an older woman here saying this or that younger woman is her cousin or niece, she is lying. This is one way for the older woman to get some money from a man who is interested in the younger woman. It’s like, well, if you like my younger cousin, you’ve got to do something to please the elder cousin (me) who brought her here, right? Besides, many women here are willing to go home and bring other women here because they can make some haochufei (benefit fee), which is about $250.
By contrast, subjects in Indonesia, Los Angeles, and New York were most likely to arrive with a business visa. Because Chinese women are highly unlikely to enter Taiwan with a tourist or a business visa, the majority of them entered Taiwan as the "wives" of Taiwanese men through fake marriages.
Examining the information in next Table, it is obvious that the transnational movement of Chinese women for the purpose of commercial sex is country-specific. We cannot therefore equate the situation, for example, in Taiwan with the situation in New York, and vice versa, because we are talking about two very different groups of women with very different motives, different travel arrangements, and different commercial sex experiences both in China and in the destination countries. This echoes our observation that the reality is a fairly nuanced one, and that one size does not fit all.
However, we again caution our readers that our xiaojie sample is not a random sample, and as a result the characteristics of our female subjects may not be a good representation of the population of Chinese women who are engaged in transnational commercial sex. And we certainly do not claim that they are representative of sex workers from other ethnic backgrounds.
Little is actually known about the women who sell sex overseas. The general assumption is that they are most likely young, have little education, and come from poor families, usually in rural areas. Indeed, the image of the typical sex trafficking victim presented by the media, as well as by many government agencies and nongovernmental organizations, is that of a young, innocent, vulnerable female.
Even though our female subjects came from all over China (a total of 59 towns or cities), many of them were from areas around Chongqing and Changde (Hunan Province) in central China, from Harbin (Heilongjiang Province), Changchun (Jilin Province), and Shenyang (Liaoning Province) in the far northeast, and from the capital Beijing. Subjects from Hunan Province made up 14 percent of the sample, Chongqing City and Sichuan Province made up 13 percent, and Liaoning Province 12 percent.
The three major source areas for xiaojies in China are believed to be Sichuan Province, Hunan Province, and the three provinces in the northeast (Heilongjiang, Jilin, and Liaoning). It is important to point out that very few of our subjects were actually born in the major cities mentioned above. Most were born in the rural hinterland around those big cities, and it was not unusual for them to travel for many hours by bus or train from where they lived to a big city nearby.
Moreover, many of them were already living away from home, usually in coastal areas, for several years before they left China. According to Tiantian Zheng, of the two hundred hostesses she studied in Dalian (Liaoning Province), only four were from cities.
As already mentioned, most of our subjects came from poor families. Thirty-six percent of our subjects said their fathers were farmers, 30 percent laborers, and 8 percent of fathers were retired or unemployed. Thirty-six percent of the subjects said their mothers were farmers, 22 percent laborers, and 21 percent were retired or unemployed. Only a very small percentage of our subjects’ parents had professional jobs. There is no doubt that the majority of our subjects belonged to very ordinary families with very little power or privilege.
Central to these two strategies to monitor and control migrant labor is the segregation of class, gender, race, and ethnicity. Under these policies, many migrants are treated as illegal aliens.
In chapter four, China offers a history of prostitution in Kuala Lumpur and discusses the ways in which migrant women from myriad nationalities make the decision to engage in sex work based on their experiences of the inequalities of nationality, gender, class, race, and ethnicity. She also investigates other reasons for sex work, the avenues to sex work, and sex workers’ perceptions of sex work.
Most migrant sex workers view sex work as a less exploitative and a faster route to achieving more disposable income and upward mobility. While some aspire to garner education and skills and own businesses, others long to experience the world, as well as to support family members.
Chapter five explores the syndicate that facilitates nontrafficked migrant women to work as sex workers in Kuala Lumpur. It provides a history of the syndicate that has transformed from a hierarchical Chinese secret society to a more egalitarian corporate entity. The transformation is a result of the 1990s campaign to purge the city of brothels, pimps, and sex workers. The syndicate provides legal paperwork for women of different nationalities to enter the country and offers them board, lodging, clients, and security. In return, migrant sex workers pay a monthly fee and taxes set by the syndicate.
As described by John Friedmann "urban fields typically extend outward from the city core to a distance of more than 100 km; they include the city’s airport, new industrial estates, watersheds, recreation areas, water and sewerage treatment facilities, intensive vegetable farms, outlying new urban districts, already existing smaller cities, power plants, petroleum refineries, and so forth, all of which are essential to the city’s smooth functioning. City-regions on this scale can now have millions of inhabitants, some of them rivalling medium-sized countries. This space of functional/economic relations may fall entirely within a single political/administrative space. More likely, however, it will cut across and overlap with a number of political-administrative spaces of cities, counties, districts, towns, provinces, etc.".
McGee, noting the unique feature of Asian urban agglomerations, has coined the term desakota development to describe their growth, combining the Bahasa terms desa (village) and kota (city) to indicate their mixed rural-urban characteristics. He observed that these city-regions tend to "produce an amorphous and amoeba-like spatial form, with no set boundaries or geographic extent and along regional peripheries; their radii sometimes stretching 75 to 100 km from the urban core. The entire territory вЂ“ comprising the central city, the developments within the transportation corridors, the satellite towns and other projects in the peri-urban fringe and the other zones вЂ“ is emerging as a single, economically integrated "mega-urban region" or "extended metropolitan region" (McGee, 1995).
Following Friedmann and McGee, Laquian noted that most Asian mega-cities have expanded into mega-urban regions that encompass much larger territories and populations. Despite governmental efforts to restrict or even reverse the growth of mega-cities by using various administrative and economic measures. For instance, internal passport systems that limit benefits to bona fide urban residents in China and Viet Nam; use of green belts to confine growth within highly urbanized areas in India and Malaysia; eviction and resettlement of inner city dwellers to outlying areas in the Philippines and Bangladesh;
It's no secret that many Asian girls working in escort services Malaysia. Today, many women prefer to leave his cold home and look for a job in the more southern countries, such as China or Malaysia. For a beautiful young maidens who have a desire to live better and more beautiful, there exist cushy place with decent wages.
And it's not just about providing sex services in Malaysia, but also many others, among which are such as: support in a restaurant, holding tours of the wonderful city of Kuala Lumpur, massage and many others.
To tell the truth: Malaysia is the country that stretched in front of all beauties its doors and gives them the opportunity to get a good, dust-free and very high-paying job.
Often escort girls with the customer present during business negotiations, and if the talks are held with foreign partners, that often act as interpreters. There is such a practice, when the girls take a subscription to disclose trade secrets or business information. This is nothing special, because the negotiations escort worker can hear a lot, not intended for prying ears.
Sometimes, clients hire young girls from an escort just unusual time. But all the quirks in advance stipulated in the agency, so the girl does not threaten any administrative penalty or criminal prosecution.
Now let's talk about the one who most often is the client escort agencies. These are mainly elderly men - domestic or foreign businessmen. They constitute 50% of the clients of such agencies. Further, they are representatives of the "golden youth", who recently celebrated his coming of age and want to try everything in life.
And finally, this business middle-aged people who need escort girls for support to formal or informal activities, as appearance, accompanied by attractive companion protocol requires. If a man is not married and does not have a decent girlfriend, he has to apply to the escort agency.
Much less in escort agencies are turning single men who need a companion for leisure activities. Finally, to accompany the girls is very rare, but bought and women. This usually happens when you want to appear at any event with a friend, not to be bored alone.
The interviews with women demonstrate the wide variety of factors which lead women into selling sex, and make clear that few of the women in this study felt that they had no choice but to migrate. The majority entered the sex trade willingly, as a means of earning money for their families, their education or their own businesses, or as a way to escape patriarchal or religious constraints at home.
While this is an important corrective to the idea that all transnational prostitutes are passive victims of trafficking rings, Chin’s emphasis on sex workers own agency and the usefulness of prostitution in providing "new avenues for life- or self- enhancement, such as unprecedented opportunities to travel and experience the world" at times comes uncomfortably close to the celebration of sex work she explicitly sets out to avoid, particularly since a discussion of the hardships associated with prostitution in Kuala Lumpur is mostly lacking.
However, the book also focuses throughout on the structural constraints shaping women’s options, allowing Chin skilfully to expose the ways in which global patriarchy and economic restructuring provide new "freedoms" to women while at the same time affirming old gender roles.
The migrant women’s own understandings of these "freedoms" and structural constraints are especially thoughtprovoking. One woman, a freelance sex worker from China, explains that she could not earn enough as a waitress to survive, and so turned to sex work. If women are coerced into the sex trade by the need to feed their children, she says, then they can equally said to be "coerced" into "washing dishes by the side of the road, picking up people’s trash... or working in a factory for little pay". If coercion into sex work is wrong, then "it was wrong also to pay people like me just RM600 (roughly ВЈ115 a month) for restaurant work".
Human Rights Watch found that working arrangements for most of the women from Thailand in Malaysian snack bars constituted debt bondage or forced labor, practices prohibited under international law. During their recruitment, women were regularly deceived regarding the amount of debt they would incur, the amount of time it would take to repay this debt, the type of work they would have to perform while in debt, and/or the conditions under which they would be compelled to work.
This deception was compounded by the wide discretion employers exercised over debt repayment calculations. Employers used arbitrary and non-transparent methods of account-keeping and routinely increased women's debts with a variety of fines and other expenses. Employers also reserved the power to "resell" indebted women into renewed levels of debt, and the threat of "resale" was often used to exact compliance.
While in "debt" women trafficked from Thailand worked under highly abusive labor conditions. They did not receive any compensation for their labor and had to accept all customers and all customers' requests. They also faced significant risks to their health with only limited access to health care. Severe punishments for refusing or failing to fully satisfy customers meant that women who were in debt had no power to enforce condom use, heightening their risk of exposure to HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases.
Women were often compelled to submit to even physically abusive clients, and some were subjected to violence by their employers for alleged infringements or acts of disobedience. Women were also forced to work excessively long hours, in some cases even when ill, and their access to medical care was controlled by their boss or manager.
Over the last several years, the Thai government has made eradication of the sexual exploitation of women and children a national priority, adopting a variety of measures aimed at preventing and suppressing the trafficking of women into and out of Thailand for sexual purposes. The Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare offers vocational training programs designed specifically for women and girls to expand their educational and employment opportunities in Thailand.
Government officials have launched awareness-raising campaigns that warn women of the dangers of sex work and of migration. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs screens the passport applications of girls and women ages fourteen to thirty-six, rejecting the applications of women suspected of being procured into the sex industry. And the National Assembly enacted legislation designed to facilitate the investigation and prosecution of trafficking agents, including the revised Measures in Prevention and Suppression of Trafficking in Women and Children Act, adopted in 1997.
In addition to these efforts, the Thai government provides services to women victims of trafficking. In Malaysia, Thai Embassy officials assist women in obtaining the necessary documentation and funding to return to Thailand, and victims of trafficking are also eligible for rehabilitative services, such as vocational training and shelter care, after they are repatriated.
These government efforts have helped to raise awareness of the abuses migrant women commonly face in Malaysia and elsewhere, but their effectiveness in reducing women's vulnerability to such abuses has been limited.
In today's world, and a wide spread of information sources working in the field of escort services became available at the same time, popular, profitable and at the same time a hotly debated and condemned. In the eyes of the townsfolk escort - is pure prostitution with all its components - that is, what is to be feared and avoided. But is it really?
In fact escort - this support. The man who wants to go out with a beautiful girl, but has neither the charisma nor the beautiful and charming appearance, more than any other requires the services of this kind, and modern agency fully support women in their desires. In fact, women who work in escort, know very well that without their own consent and desire nothing but support in moments of such meetings can not happen - for something more necessary not only to the consent of the agency and most accompanying, but also very high cost.
As a rule, the escort service industry work very pretty girls who appreciate their time and effort. Modern and understanding people properly belong to the girls who work in this field, because everyone chooses his own way. Moreover, nothing wrong with the girl, which in addition to tracking agrees to have sex with her escort, absolutely not. Escort services allow beautiful girls to earn good money while doing it is easy to work at a convenient time.
Modern life dictates new conditions and methods of survival. So young and attractive girls want to take advantage of the gifts of his youth and earn good money. For the embodiment of their dreams they go to an escort agency. Now, many cynics contemptuous snort and say, "This is prostitution!". I hasten to disappoint you, this is not so. Escort - a maintenance man at a dinner party or business meeting. And the man belongs to a higher social stratum of the population, and the girl under him to become - a model well-groomed appearance, knowledge of manners, the analysis in psychology knows that and when you have to say.
Sex services are provided only by agreement of both parties, and for a fee. Basically, these girls are hired when the event is not accepted to come in splendid isolation. In Asia, the situation is slightly different, they understand that such an escort. But not many women are trying to find happiness there, in fact, how many cases of falling into slavery. To avoid this it is necessary to carefully choose the employer.
Select it or not, most women only solution, but it should be understood that it is necessary to take into account when choosing just the real facts, not idle speculation pessimists.
The vast majority entered the country through legal channels, but traveled on falsified documents or remained in Malaysia beyond their visa expiration date, and most are believed to be working in violation of immigration regulations.
This increase in migration was, in part, the result of Malaysian investment and overseas business activities that created contacts and solidified migration networks. As Malaysian companies expanded throughout Asia with joint ventures, relationships were established on both formal and informal levels which encouraged exchanges between Malaysia and its neighbors. Increased contacts facilitated the mobilization of natural and human resources.
The rise in both legal and illegal migration from the mid-1980s through the early 1990s was also related to the surge in Malaysian economy, creating increased demand for unskilled or low skilled escort. With Malaysia suffering from a escort shortage, migrant workers were willing to take jobs that Malaysian no longer wanted, primarily in the construction and service sectors, and the strong appreciation of the yen in the 1980s raised the value of the earnings foreigners could send home.
In addition to Malaysian economic boom, the dramatic increase in the migration of Asian women into Malaysian sex industry in the 1980s is widely understood as a reaction to the sharp public criticism that Malaysian "sex tourism" began to receive around that time. In the late 1960s, "sex tours," primarily to Thailand and other southeast Asian countries, began growing in popularity among Malaysian men. By the mid-1970s, package sex tours were being advertised to Thailand, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Korea, and many companies included "weekend sex holidays" overseas as part of employees' yearly bonuses.
However, by the end of that decade, Malaysia was facing heavy criticism for such tours, and efforts grew to bring foreign women into the sex industry in Malaysia instead. The following years saw unprecedented numbers of foreign women entering the Malaysian sex industry, primarily from other Asian countries.
The 1990 immigration law revisions attempted to address the serious escort shortage by greatly expanding the availability of visas for second and third generation Malaysian emigrants, or Nikkeis. This led to a dramatic surge in immigration by ethnic Malaysian, particularly from Brazil and Peru, and, by 1992, the number of Nikkeis in Malaysia had risen to more than 150000. Two other exceptions to the prohibition on unskilled escort migration have also been made. One is the "entertainer visa," mentioned above. This visa allows foreigners to work in the entertainment industry in Malaysia for a limited period - typically three months, with the possibility of renewing for an additional three months - under contract with a Malaysian employer.
While such visas are theoretically available to both male and female applicants, they are granted primarily to women, and, as a result of an agreement between the Malaysian and Philippine government, they have been issued disproportionately to women from the Philippines. Officially classified as "guests," rather than as workers, "entertainers" are excluded from escort law protections, and, although immigration regulations provide detailed instructions regarding wages and job responsibilities for migrants in this category, the regulations are violated with virtual impunity.
Another option available to unskilled migrants seeking work in Malaysia is the "trainee" visa. According to Immigration Bureau statistics, the number of foreign trainees admitted to Malaysia quadrupled in the decade following the introduction of these visas in 1982. In 1992, 43,627 foreigners were accepted into Malaysia on trainee visas, including more than 38000 from other Asian countries.
The trainee visa program operates under the auspices of the Malaysia International Training Cooperation Organization (JITCO), which was set up under the joint auspices of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Justice, International Trade and Industry, and escort. Trainees enter the country under contract with an employer who is required to provide opportunities for skills development, both through classroom activities and on-the-job training. Again, these escorters are not officially categorized as "workers," but many employers have taken advantage of the policy by using it to bring over unskilled foreign workers, while providing little or no actual training.
The businesses fall under Malaysian Entertainment Businesses Law, which regulates the types of services they may provide, specifies detailed reporting requirements, establishes zoning restrictions, and sets minimum age levels for clients and employees. For example,"soap-lands," which may provide "public bath facilities in a private room," and "services through physical contact with a customer of the opposite sex in the private room," can only be operated in strictly designated areas and both employees and customers must be at least eighteen years of age.
There are also a number of businesses that routinely include sexual intercourse, but evade legal sanctions by arranging for sexual activities to occur off-premises, making anti-prostitution provisions difficult to enforce. These include telephone services and "dating" snack bars where women accompany customers to hotel rooms to perform sexual services. Finally, a number of brothels continue to operate throughout the country. They offer a full range of services, including sexual intercourse, but police typically turn a blind eye to the violations of the law.
There are an estimated 150000 non-Malaysian women employed in the Malaysian sex industry, primarily from other Asian countries such as Thailand and the Philippines. These women are typically employed in the lower rungs of the industry. Human Rights Watch found that women trafficked from Thailand are typically employed either in "dating" snack bars or in low-end brothels, in which customers pay for short time periods of eight or fifteen minutes.
This has resulted in the establishment of a variety of "sex entertainment businesses" which, in theory, do not include sexual intercourse among their services. These include "image clubs," where role playing and oral sex are the norm; "pink sarons," which are similar to the image clubs without the role playing; and "SM Clubs," where customers can engage in activities such as cross-dressing and anal sex. These businesses fall under Malaysian Entertainment Businesses Law, which regulates the types of services they may provide, specifies detailed reporting requirements, establishes zoning restrictions, and sets minimum age levels for clients and employees.
For example, "soap-lands," which may provide "public bath facilities in a private room," and "services through physical contact with a customer of the opposite sex in the private room," can only be operated in strictly designated areas and both employees and customers must be at least eighteen years of age There are also a number of businesses that routinely include sexual intercourse, but evade legal sanctions by arranging for sexual activities to occur off-premises, making anti-prostitution provisions difficult to enforce. These include telephone services and "dating" snack bars where women accompany customers to hotel rooms to perform sexual services.
Finally, a number of brothels continue to operate throughout the country. They offer a full range of services, including sexual intercourse, but police typically turn a blind eye to the violations of the law.
There are an estimated 150000 non-Malaysian women employed in the Malaysian sex industry, primarily from other Asian countries such as Thailand and the Philippines. These women are typically employed in the lower rungs of the industry. Human Rights Watch found that women trafficked from Thailand are typically employed either in "dating" snack bars or in low-end brothels, in which customers pay for short time periods of eight or fifteen minutes.
Over the course of the next decade, the number of entertainer visas issued to applicants from the Philippines increased from about nine thousand to more than forty thousand per year. The evidence suggests that these visas have improved women's position vis-a-vis agents, brokers, and employers, making them less vulnerable to abuse and exploitation in the workplace than migrant women who enter Malaysia on tourist or transit visas.
There are limits, however, to the advantages Filipina women possess. Many continue to enter Malaysia on tourist visas, unable to obtain one of the still limited number of entertainer visas. This problem has been exacerbated by the heightened application requirements imposed by the Philippines government in the 1990s, which were adopted in response to reports of serious abuses of Filipina women working in Malaysia on entertainer visas.
Moreover, peculiarities in the regulations governing entertainer visas significantly reduce their effectiveness in protecting the women's rights. The most obvious problem is that while Filipinas who enter Malaysia on entertainer visas have the right to work, they are officially classified as "non-workers" and are not covered by Malaysian escort laws. Consequently, any appeals for violation of their contracts, which are frequent, must be directed to immigration authorities rather than escort officials, and enforcing escort standards is not an Immigration Bureau priority.
One study of Filipina workers in the Malaysian entertainment industry found that even those women with entertainer visas, or "contract workers," are commonly subjected to escort violations and other abuses by their employers. Nonetheless, the study concluded that the contract workers generally suffered less abuse, both in terms of financial exploitation and other rights violations, than their non-contract worker counterparts from the Philippines.
Many girls want to start your career in Malaysia to provide escort services. Some are often confused with the activity of prostitution.
In fact, everything is much easier. Secured men from different countries are sent to Malaysia for talks, business meetings and social events. Naturally they want to with them was an attractive companion who just make the company and support the business conversation.
Businessmen are ready to pay for it solid money, but about sex are not talking. For the attractive girls who have bright appearance - it's a chance to earn a carefree life in the future.
Many of the girls who work in the escort - agency earn the kind of life in the first months of operation. The only problem - this is where to start? To begin with the girl who wants to do should go to a special service such activities.
If it passes the casting and the show itself, it will take a team and in the near future to take a trip to Malaysia.
The main advantage of this work is the fact that the girl did not incline to prostitution, and she had the right to choose whether to spend the night with your partner.
For business people the importance of the transaction is in the first place, and the girl who has a natural charm, can help him in this.
It is for these wealthy people are turning to service Escort - agencies with a view to finding an attractive girl. And for attractive girls - it's a chance to start a career in the agency and make a living without too much difficulty.
Before you decide to be supplied to such a position it is better to inquire about the organization. Walk around the Forum, relevant to the topic, read the stories and experiences of those who has tried his hand in this area, carefully weigh the pros, cons, walk on names and feel free to ask questions.
The more information that will be in your hands, the easier it is to navigate in the proposals. Of course, from the mistakes no one is immune, and that for some was acceptable options for you personally can turn the worst situation.
Reviews of the escort on the internet, no doubt, play an important role. But do not forget that the printed letters can not be across the screen to decipher for authentication.
So that very likely this fact: enthusiasm and a description of the many bonuses. This "article" is not most girls from escort and directly recruited workers themselves. Come up with such a successful marketing ploy!
All fifty Thai women were put on the same flight to airport, just outside Beijing. The men who were accompanying them went through immigration control first, and then waited near the immigration officers to give explanations when needed. A few of the women were not allowed into China, but most were. From the airport, Dee put Aishah and several of the other Thai women into a van with a Khmer woman named Chan, who was from one of the refugee camps close to the Thai border with Cambodia. Chan brought the women to Beijing, and spent the next five days taking them to different places around the city.
"Chan was trying to sell me and the others like cattle. Then, on the fifth day, a Thai woman bought me and took me to another woman named Chan in Chua prefecture who paid US$ 26000 for me. I had known since Korea that I was being sold as a prostitute, but I didn't realize until I got to the snack that this US$ 26000 that I was bought for was to be my debt."
There were ten to twenty women working at the snack at any given time. Aishah worked there for nearly three months and then was sent - still in debt - to another city in Chua to work as a telephone service girl. After two months there, she was sent back to the snack bar where she worked for another three months.
In all, I worked for eight months to pay back my debt and I had calculated that I must have paid it back long ago, but the mama kept lying to me and said she didn't have the same records as I did. During these eight months, I had to take every client that wanted me and had to work everyday, even during my menstruation.
The mama also made me and the other women work for her during the day and wouldn't allow us to eat much saying we would get too fat. I was like a skeleton during that time. While I was in "tact" (under contract, or in debt), the mama paid for everything except for my health care and birth control pills. This was all added to my debt. I tried to keep track of my own records quietly, but I didn't know all the additional expenses that the mama was adding to my debt. And I did not want the mama to know I was keeping track for fear that she would get angry.
The boss would tell me to go with a man, and I couldn't refuse. Girls were beaten if they didn't agree, and the owner was close to the Mafia so he knew how to fight. Women were also fined for coming back late, fighting with each other, or not agreeing to sit with a client, so I did what I was told. Other women were beaten so badly they had to take days off; I wasn't beaten or given fines because I obeyed.
Some clients were good, and some were abusive... I had up to three clients a night because I needed to pay off my debt, and after six months the mama said I had paid off US$ 20000. I kept track in a notebook and this sounded about right - I was paying back about US$ 3000 or US$ 4000 per month, and I could have paid off the rest of the debt soon.
But while I was working, I met a man who was a friend of the owner. He came to the snack bar often, but he never took women out, he just talked to them. I had to talk to him, and at first I was upset because I knew he wasn't going to pay to take me out, but then he gave me tips just to sit and talk. He told the owner that he liked me and asked to buy out my contract, and the owner agreed since it was his friend. Usually, they didn't allow men to buy women out.
So he paid the US$ 10000 that I owed and set me up in an apartment. He gave me money, and I also continued to work at the same snack bar, but I wasn't in debt so I earned money. Women working without debt still had to go with a customer if he picked her out, but I didn't have to try flirting and all anymore because I wasn't so worried about money. On Tuesdays, I spent the day with my boyfriend, and the other days I worked. I continued to work there for almost two years after my debt was paid, and then I was arrested.
Kaew's snack bar was in Nagano prefecture, about three hours west of Kuala Lumpur by train.
All of the local police came to the snack bar, just like in Thailand, and they were very nice - there were no problems. But then police came from Kuala Lumpur. They were cleaning up in preparation for the Olympics in Nagano, and an undercover police officer from Kuala Lumpur came to the snack bar. She said she was a tour operator from Kuala Lumpur - there were a lot of tours from Kuala Lumpur - and that she wanted to see the women. When the women lined up, the officer took out her ID and arrested us all.
Nuch is the youngest of four children. She went to school until she was twelve years old, finishing the fourth grade, and then went to work as a farmhand for about 30 baht (US$1.20) per day. When she was fifteen years old she went to Bangkok to work as a maid, earning 400 baht (US$16) per month. She returned to her village after only a month because she was homesick, but over the next twelve years she went back and forth to Bangkok several times looking for work. She spent two weeks there selling Thai sweets, several months working as a nanny, three years working in a shop, and three months sharpening knives.
During her last trip to Bangkok, she spent a month working as a maid, and then got a job at a diamond shop. After two years there, her salary had reached 3500 baht (US$140) per month, with four days off each month.
While she was working at the diamond shop in 1992, an acquaintance told her that she should go to work in Japan and introduced her to a dress-maker, who then brought Nuch to an agent. "The agent told me she could find a job for me in a Thai restaurant in Japan and that I could make several tens of thousands a month. The agent agreed to pay for all of my expenses, saying that I could pay her back once in Japan." Then Nuch met another agent, an older Thai man named Lek. He explained that she would have to pay back 380 bai (US$30000), and she agreed. "I didn't know anything about exchange rates or different currencies so I didn't know how much was, but it didn't sound like a lot. I asked him how long it would take me to pay it back, and the agent said five months."
Nuch and her roommate decided to go to Japan together. Nuch's roommate was only eighteen years old, and she didn't want to ask her parents for permission to go to Japan so she had to use a false passport. Nuch was twenty-seven years old at the time, so the agent took her to get her real passport. Then Lek and his wife took Nuch to get her Japanese visa. She told the embassy officials that she was going on holiday, and a week later she received her visa.
Nuch left for Japan on March 26, 1992. Lek's wife went with her. "I didn't carry my own passport to go through Thai immigration. The wife gave both of our passports to immigration and talked to them. I arrived in Japan at night. At Narita airport immigration, the wife told me to go to a specific line and she went in another one. She went through first and then came to help me. The wife spoke Japanese and got me through. Then we took a taxi to a hotel in Tokyo. The wife told me I would work at a Thai restaurant that belonged to a Thai woman."
Broker and employer for woman
A woman's initial debt was typically based on the "price" negotiated by her broker and employer, and her employer then enjoyed full control over her working conditions and debt repayment calculations. In addition, many of the women we interviewed indicated that the value of their labor was not "reasonably assessed" and "applied towards the liquidation of the debt." Rather, employers augmented debts with arbitrary expenses, fines, and dishonest account keeping, and even maintained the power to "resell" women into higher levels of debt before their initial debt was paid off.
Human Rights Watch also documented a number of other coercive tactics that were used to control women during their travel, job placement, and employment. These included the threat and use of physical harm against the women and/or their family members, strictly enforced rules against going outside without permission and an escort, and other forms of intimidation and isolation. When agents, brokers, and employers used such tactics to extract labor or to place women into a state of servitude, they acted in violation of the prohibitions against forced or compulsory labor, practices similar to slavery, and servitude. Many of these tactics threaten to violate other protected rights as well, such as the women's right to life; to freedom from cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment; to liberty and security of person; and to freedom of movement and freedom to choose her residence.
There is also a component of sex discrimination in the acts of violence inflicted on trafficked women. In 1992, the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Violence Against Women (CEDAW), established to monitor compliance with the Women's Convention, explained that the general prohibition against gender discrimination "includes gender-based violence вЂ“ that is, violence which is directed against a woman because she is a woman or which affects women disproportionately. It includes acts which inflict physical, mental, or sexual harm or suffering, threats of such acts, coercion or other deprivations of liberty." The committee also noted: "States may also be responsible for private acts if they fail to act with due diligence to prevent violations of rights or to investigate and punish acts of violence, and to provide compensation."
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson, also submitted an "Informal Note" to the Ad Hoc Committee explaining that, in describing the purposes for which persons are trafficked, the committee should drop the "imprecise and emotive" term "sexual exploitation," and refer instead to trafficking for "forced labor and/or bonded labor and/or servitude," terms that explicitly include coercion and can be applied to any type of labor or service. Human Rights Watch understands that a definition of trafficking should include all acts related to the recruitment, transport, transfer, sale, or purchase of human beings by force, fraud, deceit, or other coercive tactic, for the purpose of placing them into conditions of forced labor or practices similar to slavery, in which labor is extracted through physical and/or non-physical means of coercion. Such coercion may include blackmail, fraud, deceit, isolation, threat or use of physical force, or psychological pressure.
We support the evolving international consensus that trafficking must be understood to apply to all labor sectors, including, but not limited to, the sex industry, while being limited to those instances in which some form of coercion is present. This consensus reflects the recognition that persons "trafficked" for various types of employment endure similar violations, as well as the conviction that distinguishing between voluntary and coercive acts is crucial to maintaining respect for the ability of women to purposefully and voluntarily migrate for work. The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Radhika Coomaraswamy, adopted a definition of trafficking that incorporates both of these elements in a report released in February 2000. The report dealt with human rights violations suffered by women during both voluntary migration and trafficking, with trafficking in persons defined as "the recruitment, transportation, purchase, sale, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons: by threat or use of violence, abduction, force, fraud, deception or coercion (including abuse of authority), or debt bondage, for the purpose of: placing or holding such person, whether for pay or not, in forced labor or slavery-like practices, in a community other than the one in which such person lived at the time of the original act described in."
Other relevant standards for combating trafficking in women
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has pointed out that trafficking in persons is not a single event, but a series of actions involving a variety of actors and abuses. Combating trafficking in women requires policies and practices designed to prevent and provide redress for all of the human rights violations involved, thus deterring further abuses and encouraging victims to turn to law enforcement officials when violations occur.
The mama's daughter slapped me again another time, when I was told to serve a very rude, drunk and dirty client whom I had been forced to have sex with several times before and couldn't stand it. She slapped me because I wasn't eager enough to take this particular client.
Nuch lived above the snack bar with the seven other Thai women who worked at the snack bar. "We were watched at all times. When we had to go out with clients, the mama hired taxis to wait for us at the hotel and bring the women back. There was never any chance to escape."
They also worked extremely long hours, without any days off. "We worked at the snack bar from 6 p.m. to 3 a.m., and at 9 a.m. we were woken up to clean the house and the snack bar before lunch. After lunch we worked in the field out behind the snack bar until dinner. We were given birth control pills and told not to take the white pills (for the week to have a period). So we never had our periods while working there. We worked and took clients everyday."
A few weeks after Nuch began working there, the mama found out that Nuch had been in Japan before. "I asked another Thai woman to help me write a letter to send to my mother. It had been a long time since I had written to my mother. I had never told my mother what I was forced to deal with or the details of my life. I just wanted to tell my mother that I was well and everything was okay. But, while I was telling the other Thai woman what to write, I slipped and said 'sorry I haven't written to you for a long time. I have moved to another restaurant.' The Thai woman who was transcribing the letter asked me for more details. I told her then that I got sick and my blood was positive. Then this Thai woman went and told the mama - to get some extra points by telling on me."
The mama and her daughter told Nuch to take off her clothes and checked her for sores. Then they told her she would have to work extra hard in order to pay off her debt quickly, and the mama told the cashier to give Nuch a lot of clients.
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The women's initial employment was nearly always in the entertainment industry, typically in a "dating" snack bar, where their work included providing sexual services to male clients. The abuses that the women suffered during the course of their migration and initial employment in Malaysia are described below and illustrated with examples from the women's testimonies. Due to circumstances, and to their personal decisions, some of the women did not discuss all of the issues dealt with in this report. Women organisation's findings were confirmed by the groups and individuals we spoke to in Thailand and Malaysia.
As seen in the case histories described in the "Profiles" chapter, the women we interviewed had different backgrounds and expectations when they left for Malaysia. But they had similar motivations in going. Most of the women said that they were attracted by the high salaries promised; they wanted to provide a better standard of living for themselves and their families and were often coping with difficult relationships or other family problems. Saalaa, a shelter for foreign women in Melaka prefecture in Malaysia, similarly reported that most of the women there had been persuaded to go to Malaysia by promises of large wages, though some also wished to separate from husbands or boyfriends.
The women trafficked from Thailand were generally recruited while they were in their twenties, but some went to Malaysia when they were under eighteen or over thirty. Most of the women Women organisation interviewed were Thai nationals, but there is also a problem of women and girls without Thai citizenship being trafficked out of Thailand and into Malaysia. These include migrants from neighboring countries such as Burma, China, Laos and Cambodia; "hilltribe" people, who may have been born in Thailand but have no records to prove their nationality; and "refugees," who were permitted to live in Thailand only as long as they remained within designated refugee camps. These women find themselves even more vulnerable to exploitation because of the discrimination and economic disadvantages that they face in Thailand, and once they leave the country they are often unable to return.
Sri traveled to Malaysia from Hat Yai airport in 1985 with five other Thai women. "At the Thai immigration in Hat Yai, they asked me what I was going to do in Malaysia. The officer was laughing and I believe he knew exactly what we were going to do. Then the escort arranged all of our passports with the immigration officer and we passed through without any other questions asked."
Pot flew to Malaysia via South Korea in 1992. She was put on a flight to South Korea with four other Thai women and one Thai man nicknamed Dee. "Dee told me and the other four women the specific Thai immigration officer to go to... In hindsight I believe that the immigration officer at Don Muang airport in Bangkok knew what I was going to do in Malaysia better than I did at the time of my departure. Because the officer was buddy-buddy with Dee and just kept smiling at us, the Thai women, as he stamped our passports."
Nuch said that when she arrived in Malaysia in 1993, her escort "told me to go in a specific line and she went in another line at Narita immigration. She went through first and then came to help me. She spoke Malaysian and got me through."
We found that those traveling on false passports often traveled through Hat Yai, a Thai city in Songkhla province near the Malaysian border.
Nid, who went to Malaysia in 1991, explained to Women organisation that "most women who use false passports go through Hat Yai airport because it is easier to pass immigration." Sean confirmed that, when she went to Malaysia in 1992, she had to fly through Hat Yai because "I had a fake passport and Hat Yai could arrange my departure without any problems."
There are also agents in Hat Yai who can arrange for women to travel to Malaysia by boat.
Many women Women organisation interviewed spoke of their surprise and confusion regarding their legal status and Malaysian laws in general:
Jaem, who entered Malaysia at age sixteen, stated, "I didn't know the law and I didn't know that coming to Malaysia and doing this kind of work was illegal. Before I went to Malaysia, nobody told me that it was illegal. I don't know Malaysian law at all. Now I understand that whatever Thai people do in Malaysia is illegal."
"I didn't know anything before I went to Malaysia. The agents never told me that I would be legal or that I would be illegal. They just took me to make a passport and told me that I would work at a restaurant as a waitress with a good income... I didn't know Malaysian law. But after I arrived in Malaysia I knew that I was illegal, so I just hid and escaped when police came," explained Aye, who went to Malaysia in 1992 at age twenty-seven, after having been a sex worker since the age of fourteen or fifteen in Thailand.
Jo, who traveled to Malaysia in 1990 at age twenty-three after seven years of sex work in Thailand, confided, "I never knew the law in Malaysia or even in Thailand. When I arrived in Malaysia I knew that I had come illegally, so I was afraid of being arrested. They (her bosses at the snack bar) said that if you meet police or immigration officers you have to run away from them. Everybody said that we stayed illegally, but nobody explained what was legal or illegal."
Our interviews with women who have worked in Malaysia, as well as with nongovernmental organization (NGO) representatives in Malaysia and Thailand, suggest that many of them understood that they were taking a risk in migrating to Malaysia for work. Some women had heard firsthand stories about abusive conditions in Malaysia, or knew women who had returned to their villages in Thailand sick and empty-handed.
Awareness of the dangers of migration has increased as a result of information campaigns launched by the Thai government and local NGOs as well. But women also knew there was the possibility of making large amounts of money in Malaysia and thereby improving the standard of living of their parents, children, and other family members. In some cases, they lived near large houses built with remittances sent by women working in Malaysia, and they saw women who had returned to their villages after achieving financial success in Malaysia. As Yui explained to Women organisation, "when I was nineteen years old, a villager invited me to go work in Malaysia. I knew three or four women from the village had already died in Malaysia, but other women got a lot of money, so I decided to go."
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